THE LOVE OF A KING PDF

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Download The Love of a King - Peter pawnfacumapbma.cf Short Description. Download The Love of a King - Peter pawnfacumapbma.cf Description. View more Comments. This ungraded summary is for the teacher's use only and should not be given to students. The Love of a King. Peter Dainty. Introduction background to the story. The Love of a King - Peter pawnfacumapbma.cf - Download as PDF File .pdf) or read online.


The Love Of A King Pdf

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The Love of a King book. Read 80 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. This award-winning collection of adapted classic literature and. It was a love story that shook the world. The King had to choose: to be King, or to have love and leave his country, never to Our discounted price list (PDF). An Oxford Bookworms Library reader for learners of English. The love of a king by Peter Dainty Published by Oxford University Press in.

Enter the name of the series to add the book to it. Works can belong to more than one series. In some cases, as with, disagreements about order necessitate the creation of. Tip: If the series has an order, add a number or other descriptor in parenthesis after the series title eg. By default, it sorts by the number, or alphabetically if there is no number.

If you want to force a particular order, use the character to divide the number and the descriptor. So, ' 0 prequel ' sorts by 0 under the label 'prequel. Series was designed to cover groups of books generally understood as such see.

Like many concepts in the book world, 'series' is a somewhat fluid and contested notion. Whenever it is withdrawn, and a people cease to reason about their rights and to be awake to encroachments, they are in danger of being enslaved, and their servants will soon become their masters.

I need not say how much it is our duty to defend our country against foreign enemies. When a country is attacked in any of its rights by another country, or when any attempts are made by ambitious foreign powers to injure it, a war in its defence becomes necessary: and, in such circumstances, to die for our country is meritorious and noble.

These defensive wars are, in my opinion, the only just wars. Offensive wars are always unlawful; and to seek the aggrandizement of our country by them, that is, by attacking other countries, in order to extend dominion, or to gratify avarice, is wicked and detestable.

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Among the particulars included in that duty to our country, by discharging which we should shew our love to it, I will only further mention praying for it, and offering up thanksgivings to God for every event favourable to it.

At the present Edition: current; Page: [[31]] season we are called upon to express, in this way, our love to our country. It is the business of this day, and of the present service; and, therefore, it is necessary that I should now direct your attention to it particularly.

We are met to thank God for that event in this country to which the name of The Revolution has been given; and which, for more than a century, it has been usual for the friends of freedom, and more especially Protestant Dissenters, under the title of the Revolution Society, to celebrate with expressions of joy and exultation.

By a bloodless victory, the fetters which despotism had been long preparing for us were broken; the rights of Edition: current; Page: [[32]] the people were asserted, a tyrant expelled, and a Sovereign of our own choice appointed in his room. Security was given to our property, and our consciences were emancipated. Had it not been for this deliverance, the probability is, that, instead of being thus distinguished, we should now have been a base people, groaning under the infamy and misery of popery and slavery.

Let us, therefore, offer thanksgivings to God, the author of all our blessings. Had he not been on our side, we should have been swallowed up quick, and the proud waters would have gone over our souls. But our souls are escaped, and the snare has been broken. Blessed then be the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth. Edition: current; Page: [[33]] It is well known that King James was not far from gaining his purpose; and that probably he would have succeeded, had he been less in a hurry.

But he was a fool as well as a bigot. He wanted courage as well as prudence; and, therefore, fled, and left us to settle quietly for ourselves that constitution of government which is now our boast.

We have particular reason, as Protestant Dissenters, to rejoice on this occasion. It was at this time we were rescued from persecution, and obtained the liberty of worshipping God in the manner we think most acceptable to him. It was then our meeting-houses were opened, our worship was taken under the protection of the law, and the principles of toleration gained a triumph.

We have, therefore, on this occasion, peculiar reasons for thanksgiving—But let us remember that we ought not to satisfy ourselves with thanksgivings. Our gratitude, if genuine, will be accompanied with endeavours to give stability to the deliverance our country has obtained, and to extend and improve the Edition: current; Page: [[34]] happiness with which the Revolution has blest us—Let us, in particular, take care not to forget the principles of the Revolution.

This Society has, very properly, in its Reports, held out these principles, as an instruction to the public. I will only take notice of the three following: First; The right to liberty of conscience in religious matters. Secondly; The right to resist power when abused. And, Thirdly; The right to chuse our own governors; to cashier them for misconduct; and to frame a government for ourselves.

On these three principles, and more especially the last, was the Revolution founded. Were it not true that liberty of conscience is a sacred right; that power abused justifies resistance; and that civil authority is a delegation from the people—Were not, I say, all this true; the Revolution would have been not an assertion, Edition: current; Page: [[35]] but an invasion of rights; not a Revolution, but a Rebellion.

Cherish in your breasts this conviction, and act under its influence; detesting the odious doctrines of passive obedience, nonresistance, and the divine right of kings—doctrines which, had they been acted upon in this country, would have left us at this time wretched slaves—doctrines which imply, that God made mankind to be oppressed and plundered; and which are no less a blasphemy against him, than an insult on common sense.

I would farther direct you to remember, that though the Revolution was a great work, it was by no means a perfect work; and that all was not then gained which was necessary to put the kingdom in the secure and complete possession of the blessings of liberty. It included only those who could declare their faith in the doctrinal articles of the church of England. It has, indeed, been since extended, but not sufficiently; for there still Edition: current; Page: [[36]] exist penal laws on account of religious opinions, which were they carried into execution would shut up many of our places of worship, and silence and imprison some of our ablest and best men.

It is with great pleasure I find that the body of Protestant Dissenters, though defeated in two late attempts to deliver their country from this disgrace to it, have determined to persevere.

Should they at last succeed, they will have the satisfaction, not only of removing from themselves a proscription they do not deserve, but of contributing to lessen the number of our public iniquities. For I cannot call by a gentler name, laws which convert an ordinance appointed by our Saviour to commemorate his death, into an instrument of oppressive policy, and a qualification of rakes and atheists for civil posts.

But the most important instance of the imperfect state in which the Revolution left our constitution, is the inequality of our representation.

I think, indeed, this defect in our constitution so gross and so palpable, as to make it excellent chiefly in form and theory. Edition: current; Page: [[40]] When the representation is fair and equal, and at the same time vested with such powers as our House of Commons possesses, a kingdom may be said to govern itself, and consequently to possess true liberty.

When the representation is partial, a kingdom possesses liberty only partially; and if extremely partial, it only gives a semblance of liberty; but if not only extremely partial, but corruptly chosen, and under corrupt influence after being chosen, it becomes a nuisance, and produces the worst of all forms of government—a government by corruption—a government carried on and supported by spreading venality and profligacy through a kingdom.

May heaven preserve this kingdom from a calamity so dreadful! It is the point of depravity to which abuses under such a government as ours naturally tend, and the last stage of national unhappiness.

We are, at present, I hope, at a great distance from it.

2. THE PALACE OF WALES

But it cannot be pretended that there Edition: current; Page: [[41]] are no advances towards it, or that there is no reason for apprehension and alarm. The inadequateness of our representation has been long a subject of complaint. This is, in truth, our fundamental grievance; and I do not think that any thing is much more our duty, as men who love their country, and are grateful for the Revolution, than to unite our zeal in endeavouring to get it redressed.

At the time of the American war, associations were formed for this purpose in London, and other parts of the kingdom; and our present Minister himself has, since that war, directed to it an effort which made him a favourite with many of us.

Such is the conduct by which we ought to express our gratitude for the Revolution. We should contribute all we can towards supplying what it left deficient; and shew ourselves anxious about transmitting the blessings obtained by it to our posterity, unimpaired and improved. Is it to be expected that— But I must forbear. I am afraid of applications, which many are too ready to make, and for which I should be sorry to give any just occasion.

THE LOVE OF A KING

I have been explaining to you the nature and expressions of a just regard to our country. Give me leave to exhort you to examine your conduct by what I have been saying. You love your country, and desire its happiness; and, without doubt, you have the greatest reason for loving it.

It has been long a Edition: current; Page: [[44]] very distinguished and favoured country. Often has God appeared for it and delivered it.

Let us study to shew ourselves worthy of the favour shewn us. Do you obey the laws of your country, and aim at doing your part towards maintaining and perpetuating its privileges?

Do you always give your vote on the side of public liberty; and are you ready to pour out your blood in its defence? Do you look up to God for the continuance of his favour to your country, and pray for its prosperity; preserving, at the same time, a strict regard to the rights of other countries, and always considering yourselves more as citizens of the world than as members of any particular community?

I am addressing myself to Christians. Let me, therefore, mention to you the example of our blessed Saviour. I have Edition: current; Page: [[45]] observed, at the beginning of this discourse, that he did not inculcate upon his hearers the love of their country, or take any notice of it as a part of our duty.

Judges 9:8-15 : Trees Choosing a King

Instead of doing this, I observed that he taught the obligation to love all mankind, and recommended universal benevolence, as next to the love of God our first duty; and, I think, I also proved to you, that this, in the circumstances of the world at that time, was an instance of incomparable wisdom and goodness in his instructions. But we must not infer from hence, that he did not include the love of our country in the number of our duties.

He has shewn the contrary by his example. It appears that he possessed a particular affection for his country, though a very wicked country. We read in Luke x. Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest them who are sent to thee, how often would I have gathered thy children together, as a hen gathereth her brood under her wings, but ye would not. It may not be improper farther to mention the love St.

Paul expressed for his country, when he declared, that, for the sake of his brethren and kinsmen, he could even wish himself accursed from Christ. The original words are an Anathema from Christ; and his meaning is, that he could have been contented to suffer himself the calamities which were coming on the Jewish people, were it possible for him, by such a sacrifice of himself, to save them.

It is too evident that the state of this country is such as renders it an object of concern and anxiety. It wants I have shewn you the grand security of public liberty. Increasing luxury has multiplied abuses in it. A monstrous Edition: current; Page: [[47]] weight of debt is crippling it.

You may reasonably expect that I should now close this address to you. But I cannot yet dismiss you. I must not conclude without recalling, particularly, to your recollection, a consideration to which I have more than once alluded, and which, probably, your thoughts Edition: current; Page: [ 49 ] have been all along anticipating: A consideration with which my mind is impressed more than I can express.

I mean, the consideration of the favourableness of the present times to all exertions in the cause of public liberty. What an eventful period is this! Upheaval after upheaval has reminded us that modern man is traveling along a road called hate, in a journey that will bring us to destruction and damnation.

Love even for enemies is the key to the solution of the problems of our world.

Jesus is not an impractical idealist: He never joined the ranks of those who talk glibly about the easiness of the moral life. He realized that every genuine expression of love grows out of a consistent and total surrender to God.

Yet he meant every word of it. Our responsibility as Christians is to discover the meaning of this command and seek passionately to live it out in our daily lives.

First, we must develop and maintain the capacity to forgive. He who is devoid of the power to forgive is devoid of the power to love. It is also necessary to realize that the forgiving act must always be initiated by the person who has been wronged, the victim of some great hurt, the recipient of some tortuous injustice, the absorber of some terrible act of oppression.

The wrongdoer may request forgiveness. He may come to himself, and, like the prodigal son, move up some dusty road, his heart palpitating with the desire for forgiveness.

But only the injured neighbor, the loving father back home, can really pour out the warm waters of forgiveness. Forgiveness does not mean ignoring what has been done or putting a false label on an evil act.It was a love story that shook the world. Oxford, O. site Restaurants Food delivery from local restaurants. She was beautiful and she loved him - but she was already married to another man. But his country said 'No!

AUNDREA from Birmingham
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